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Duritiam cordis vestris saxa traere meruistis. The scene gives an iconic representation of an episode from the life of the Saint Raffaelli As regards educational messages of a moral nature, we may recall the bench in San Marco in Venice, on the exterior wall of the Tesoro della Basilica di San Marco, towards Palazzo Ducale - datable, probably, to the late 14th century - which bears an inscription inserted in a cartouche held by two putti: Civita Castellana, Church of S.

Antonio, Cariatide 12th century inchontrar Stussi Graffiti usually have a private nature. According to Formentin they can be classified as follows: Graffiti of a private nature con- taining some form of emotional message graffiti di carattere emotivo-conativo ; 2. Italian Medieval Epigraphy in the Vernacular Figure 9. Graffiti constitutionally linked to the material on which there are written, and executed to preserve memory of an act of private or public relevance graffiti di carattere performativo Formentin To the first group pertain texts with an obscene content such as those which are to be found in the Tomba Bartoccini, at the Necropoli dei Monterozzi, in Tarquinia, near Rome, datable to the 13th century.

Recently, in this home cum workshop, a mural was found, preserving a series of graffiti — notes and drawings of various kinds — probably executed between and Particularly interesting the following inscription, probably the recipe for some kind of ink: An important example of it is the Umbrian wafer form, today at the Museo Nazionale del Bargello in Florence Exceptional examples of this type of inscriptions are the two so called coperte Guicciardini woven in Sicily at the end of the 14th century and preserved one at the Museo del Bargello in Florence and the other at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London.

They narrate, respectively, episodes from the story of Tristan and of the Amoroldo — although the stories intersecate. The texts are in gothic letterforms and in Sicilian Rajna Just to give an essay of the kind of narration contained herewith the transcription of the eight textual units from the first blanket Rajna Comu Tristainu et Gu[v]irnal[i] si parteru da lu rre Feramonti. Comu Tristainu et Guvirnali so vinuti allu re Marcu. Comu lu rre Marcu fechi cavalieri Tristainu Comu Tristainu vai nella isola per cumbactiri locu.

Comu lu Amoroldu vai alla isolecta. Comu lu Amoroldu cumbactiu cu Tristainu a c[a]vallu. Comu Tristainu cumbactiu cullu Amoroldo et speciaru li lanci. The London blanket contains 14 textual units, which read as follows Rajna Comu lu rre Languis manda per lu trabutu in Cornualia. Comu li missagieri so vinuti allu rre Marcu per lu tributu di secti anni. Comu lu rre Languis cumanda chi vaia lo osti [in] Cornuvalgia. Comu lu Amoroldu fa bandiri lu osti in Cornuvalgia. Comu lu Amoroldu fa suldari la genti. Comu Tristainu dai lu guantu allu Amoroldu de la bataglia.

Comu Tristainu bucta la varca arretu intu allu maru. Comu lu infa de lu Amoroldu aspectava lu patrunu. Comu Tristainu feriu lu Amorolldo in testa. Comu lu Amoroldu feriu Tristainu a tr[a]dimentu. The blankets were intended for the Tuscan Guicciardini family, and yet they were written in Sicilian. Was it because Sicilian vernacular carried sufficient literary prestige to warrant its use also outside of Sicily? Or because it was somehow linked to the genre of the narration? Or because the text did not really matter, but what mattered was the virtuoso exercise in producing such exceptional objects?

A similar quantity and variety of materials demonstrates in a somehow self- evident fashion the need for a flexible database. We have decided to mark up the material according to an XML eXtensible Markup Language syntax capable of classifying the inscriptions according to their function. Given the variety of the data inserted the potential for such interrogations is immense.

Linguistic Variety The inscriptions are arranged according to modern administrative regions Lombardia, Lazio, Molise, Apulia etc. Each region hosts inscriptions in different vernaculars, alphabets and at times even literary languages old French, Catalan, Sardinian. See, for example, the 13th century epitaph for Martinello di Rainone in octosyllabes in Old French which is inscribed in the Basilica dei Santi Felice e Fortunato in Vicenza: The French text reads: Ci demostre coment ardit et nobles ciavalier miser Lois moriske lassa sa gens tutts disconforte et ale con li anglies de diu e li montrer la gloria de le S.

Paradis and Ci voit comant sant ayme et s. As Stussi himself observed, the two parts must not be separated, but are to be considered as a unit and published as such. The main text is in a solemn if garbled Latin, whereas the actual event that Ugolino wished to be known slips out of the stone in a more current vernacular Gramigni The choice of language, as in the other cases already discussed, depends on the nature of the message to be conveyed. Paradigmatic examples to test the potential of a database intending to allow for a detailed linguistic classification of medieval vernaculars is constituted by Sardinian inscriptions written in Sardinian, Gallurese, Catalan as well as continental Italian vernaculars.

It had a Latin twin, with a nearly identical text. Both are datable between and May On the right wall of the Cappella del Rimedio in the Santa Maria Assunta cathedral in Oristano there is a marble inscription which carries an epitaph, in Sardinian, for Filippo Mameli, a man of law, son of the canon Mariano Mameli: He must have played a significant role in the compilation of the law canon today known as the Carta de Logu. The date is given according to the Pisa style and corresponds to the 8th May Tasca In the church of San Gavino in San Gavino Monreale Medio Campidano, south of Oristano there is another inscription in Sardinian, particulary important because of its length.

It records the date, 25th November , when the bishop of Ales, Francesco Pasarino, came to the church to bless its chapel: Near Sassari there are two inscriptions in Catalan and one in Gallurese, a most rare occurrence which is datable probably around to , and is walled on the exterior of the apse of the Romanic church in Santa Vittoria del Sassu, Perfugas: The person who commissioned the stone probably wanted to exclude the operaiu malu e i. Pietro Marras Marras remarked that the definition of the language is a very thorny issue in this particular inscription: The inscription is a precious document of the Catalan presence in Sassari between the third decade of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th centuries, as well as being a rare example of a funerary inscription in Catalan with some interference of continental Italian vernaculars such as the final —o in the name Piras As suggested by the examples, determining the language of an inscription produced in Medieval Italy is no easy task.

The identification of specific graphic, phonological, morphological and lexical features to guide the codification of the text, as well as the contextualization of the linguistic phenomena observed are all necessary to the task of their digitalization. If we were to interrogate the database in search of the occurrences of the name Ioachim, Gioachino, Ioachino and derivatives in the captions of the Storie di Maria painted at the end of the 15th century by Andrea Delitio in the Basilica of Santa Maria Assunta in Atri Matthiae and Trubiani the database would return the following results: The same applies to Raniero in the eight graffiti of the Tomba Bartoccini 13th century , which appears in Latin and the vernacular both with and without diphtongation Tedeschi We might find an answer to these questions if we are to consider — and our database should enable us to — a greater number of occurrences.

The complexity of the languages present in the database forced us to devise some fixed leves of interrogation. We decided on three: Each item must be classified according to linguistic area, and we used the following tags: The third level concerns tags which will allow to create links between documents presenting similar features, thus creating a network of intertextual links.

The codification of all the words present in the corpus, together with the graphemes, phonemes and sounds which is possible in EpiDoc XML will allow us to create automatic indexes for all nouns antroponyms, toponyms etc. This will allow for the creation of indexes which will constitute precious repertoires of unpublished materials relating to Italian medieval vernaculars. Issues in the digitization of epigraphic material How to publish inscriptions featuring in complex iconographic constructions Our corpus contains several inscriptions which are part of multiple scenes — generally frescoes adorning different walls of a hall — the interpretation of which is not easy or, indeed, straightforward.

Sometimes it is difficult to reconstruct the intended sequence of the scenes, which allows for different interpretations of the text — be it a narration, or captions, proverbs, dialogues etc. Under the horse corpses are visible. On the right there are 4 destitute characters among which a bearded old man and an elderly lady. On the left there are two young men, expensively dressed, one of which holds a falcon in his hand and is caught in the instant in which Death pierces him through the neck with the sword. The fresco is accompanied by a rich textual apparatus, unfortunately almost illegible: The attributions, however, are far from clear, and the proposed interpretations vary greatly.

Tu lasse noi che sempre te chiamemo desiderando che ne dea la morte [ Mors malis formidabilis et bonis desiderabilis, nemini evitabilis. The fresco is divided into two parts: Italian Medieval Epigraphy in the Vernacular Figure Perdutu aio risu e gioia. Poggio Mirteto, Church of S.

Paolo, Incontro dei vivi e dei morti 14th century — particular 1. Paradigmatic for its complexity is the text which accompanies the Trionfo della Morte and the Danza Macabra from Clusone, near Bergamo, dated Frugoni Most of the text went lost over time. Many scholars have studied this document: Astorre Pellegrini in produced a fac-simile and dated the inscription; Arsenio Frugoni edited the text and Luisa Tognoli Bardin provided a new transcription Pellegrini Death carries two inscriptions: O ti che serve Dio del bon core non havire pagura a questo ballo venire, ma alegramente vene e non temire, 3 poy chi nase elli convene morire.

Son fine [] timeamus superbia avarizia ira The above are only a few of the numerous examples of this types of inscriptions and of the problems they pose. The intimate connections between texts and images make it nearly impossible to provide a diplomatic edition of the text which could claim to reproduce its original format, not to mention the difficulties in reading texts which are written on ceilings and dark corners of high walls, or on deteriorating plaster. We have introduced a section of Notes to provide all the necessary information to complement the transcripton and clarify the nature of the texts transcribed.

Italian Medieval Epigraphy in the Vernacular As regards the critical edition, there will be a critical apparatus and a field for comments, to give information on previous editions of the text or discuss alternative readings. The database is not designed to replace other more traditional forms of editing, but to function as an orderly archive for all the information available to date information which can be easily updated as other data or studies become available and cater for the needs of scholars in different fields.

Each entry will have the edition of the text, a diplomatic transcription, critical apparatus, commentary, images, and naturally an updated bibliography. Other issues and some proposed solutions It is often necessary, in order to reconstruct a text now barely legible or, worse, partially destroyed, to make use of secondary sources, and wherever possible, photographic reproductions. A photographic apparatus is essential and constitutes one of the aims of the project.

However, images and photographic metadata are not always available either because of copyright issues, but more often because of the lack of good images and sometimes because of the impossibility for us to make them specially. Available images of painting, however excellent in quality, very often cut out the script, considered accessory. Such is the case for the captions of the fresco in the Storie di S.

Aldebrando from Fossombrone, Marche. The painting, by Antonio Alberti da Ferrara 15th century occupies two thirds of the left wall of a chapel of the ancient Cathedral in Fossombrone. The inscriptions, now lost, are recorded in copper incisions made in the s Colasanti More frequently texts are preserved in manuscripts. There are six frames on two levels illustrating some of the miracles of Santa Maria della Croce in Sicilian vernacular.

When marking up in EpiDoc n. When applying this markup to the style sheet XSLT and the file is transformed in HTML then the text will appear as follows or with some other style designed to single it out. Comu fr glu dagilu mavtisi sautau di na S. Italian Medieval Epigraphy in the Vernacular extant. The text, originally made up of nine stanzas, is now readable in the third and parts of the fourth stanza figure We have, however, a record of the whole poem, the transcription provided by Ludovico Iacobilli, a 17th century scholar Caciorgna Diplomatic edition [3] per pieta sonpo[ ] presso al fiuMe ]olo et reMo alla fortuna datj dove piu giorni foron nutrichati dauna lupa per huMan costuMe [4] si choMe [ ylya dopo [ [ ] per observarse [ ]gge.

They are all accompanied by tituli in three languages; Latin, Old French, Italian vernacular. How to account for them both individually and as a unit? How to avoid tearing off from their context the individual components of a pictorial cycle? See also in the Sala delle Arti e dei Pianeti: The Database template 1. Common identification and record number The database will be searchable both through the number of a specific entry, and through its common denomination e. Graffito di Commodilla; Iscrizione di San Clemente. Localization For the purpose of localization, and for ease of consultation we have decided to use modern administrative regions Lombardia, Lazio, Molise, Puglia etc.

Italian Medieval Epigraphy in the Vernacular a Origin A drop-down menu will allow to state Region where the item was produced e. Marche Place historical denomination — e. Sassoferrato Original Destination e. Apulia Place Modern city and country — if not in Italy - Institution, or street 4. Geolocalization latitude and longitude This will allow us to build — with time — interactive maps showing the context in which the inscriptions are preserved.

Foligno, Edizioni Orfini Numeister. Il volgare nelle scritture esposte bolognesi. Le scritture esposte nei volgari italiani dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: Napoli, Edizioni scientifiche italiane. Le iscrizioni in volgare: Divagazioni sulla poesia per pittura del Trecento. Contributi e fonti per lo studio del volgare esposto in Italia. Le Parole Sono Pietre: When it comes to interrogating sixteenth-century-advice manuals, I feel most confident about conveying to you what people read, rather more speculative in asserting on how they read, and least sure in suggesting the impact of reading on daily comportment.

And exactly what people "made" of what they read in advice manuals is probably unknowable, although on occasion I shall ruminate. This rather old-fashioned way of looking at things past has contemporary practitioners. See, for example, Margaret R. Sommerville, Sex and Subjection: Attitudes to Women in Early-Modern Society London, , 5—6, for the method, and the rest of her fine book concentrating on the English scene for its application.

The Impact of Printing — , trans. See the essay titled "Aldus Manutius: Humanist, Teacher, and Printer," in Grendler, Books and Schools , 5, for an evocative description of the book-selling scene in Venice: Sixteenth-century tourists did not come to Venice to visit a glass factory and to buy glass trinkets; they came to buy books.

The chapter titled "The Printer, the Reader, and the Market" includes an analysis of sales by category of books , but even the author cautions against making too much of such quantitative exercises, a warning that would be even more applicable to later periods when sales were much higher. For a more general discussion of books as commodities, see Lisa Jardine, Worldly Goods: History of a Tradition , 31, for the particular lament, and 1—60, more generally, for the bibliographic scene from the Middle Ages through the sixteenth century. For the Venetian scene in particular, see Dennis E.

Also see Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature, Culture and Education — London, , — Also see the estimates, generally quite conservative because they do not attempt to measure the circulation of books among multiple readers, by Paul Slack, "Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Editor and the Vernacular Text, — Cambridge, , 91, on competition, and generally, for printing in Venice and Florence. Grendler, "Aldus Manutius," 5— Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice Oxford, , —99, for an estimate that this single publisher, admittedly an important one with contacts throughout Europe, may have reached a total output of between , and , books.

For a valuable, although fleeting, ray of light on the question of sales of individual items, see Rudolf Hirsch, "The Art of Selling Books: Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature , , reports that charlatans sold books of secrets, often little more than pamphlets, for "a few soldi apiece," necessarily a bit vague and yet overall in keeping with the point I am making about accessibility.

A high level of literacy among nuns is suggested in Elissa Weaver, "Spiritual Fun: Literary and Historical Perspectives Syracuse, , — Houston estimates that as many as two hundred million books and chapbooks were published in Europe in the sixteenth century Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature , 94—, is excellent on the German scene, and see —33, on pre best-sellers. Essays on Perception and Communication Cambridge, , —31, and in particular , for the conclusion that literacy rates in northern Italy were the highest in Europe from about the year , until the seventeenth century, when efforts were made in the Dutch Republic and Sweden to achieve virtually universal literacy.

Somewhat lower estimates for literacy and for the vibrancy of the Italian publishing scene may be found in Harvey Graff, The Legacies of Literacy: Still, Graff concludes that a "veritable avalanche of treatises aimed at a variety of forms of self-help and improvement, from praying to singing and accounting, rolled from sixteenth-century presses. A Finding List Geneva, , 1—3. On elementary schooling, see Paul F. Pettas, The Giunti of Florence , 11—12, includes the disdain for printing among Florentine humanists and the Medici family as a major factor in Venetian dominance of this new industry.

Grendler, "Form and Function in Popular Books," The reverse also is true in that writing in Latin often was a socially or politically charged choice. See the insightful essay by Peter Burke, " Heu domine, adsunt Turcae: A Social History of Language Cambridge, , 23— Cecil Grayson, A Renaissance Controversy: On the specific reluctance of physicians to publish in the vernacular, see Richard J. Medicina per le donne nel Cinquecento: Giovanni Battista Ciotti, , and in this work he frequently refers back to his La commare.

But there are no specific references by title in either of these two vernacular books to any of the other writings ascribed by Biagi to Mercurio. The National Union Catalog clearly identifies Mercuriale, not Mercurio, as the author of the Hippocrates commentary and the syphilis treatise but misascribes La commare to Mercuriale vol. Of the two books I am certain Mercurio wrote, La commare was the resounding success. In subsequent citations of Mercurio, I shall give the book and chapter of the original La commare. If the material cited is included in the selections of Biagi et al.

For material not in Biagi, I shall give the page numbers from the edition of La commare Venice: Giovanni Battista Ciotti , which I used. This edition contains a book 3 on the care of young children that Mercurio completed in , and integrated into the updated version of La commare. Popular Fiction and Its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England Athens, , 50—75, provides a wonderful example of common sense brought to bear on important historical issues concerning literacy and readership. See also the fundamental essay by Roger Chartier, "Culture as Appropriation: For a thorough assessment of early books on how to read, one that suggests learning to read may not have been as simple as Tagliente suggests, see Piero Lucchi, "La santacroce, il salterio e il babuino: Libri per imparare a leggere nel primo secolo della stampa," Quaderni Storici 38 For a thorough introduction to premodern biological understanding of reproduction see Angus McLaren, Reproductive Rituals: Also essential is Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud Cambridge, , 25— The many parallels between what I present throughout this chapter and what McLaren finds for England suggest a European-wide understanding of biology, rather than language-specific knowledge, even at the level of popular manuals on topics as diverse as herbals, anatomy, and witchcraft.

For an uncompromising indictment of Aristotle as "antifeminist to the core," see Maryanne Cline Horowitz, "Aristotle and Woman," Journal of the History of Biology 9 fall On the political implications of Aristotelian biology, see Sommerville, Sex and Subjection , 16— Also see Constance Jordan, Renaissance Feminism: Literary Texts and Political Models Ithaca, , 29—34, , for the suspicion that the Greek philosopher did not get along very well with his wife. On Aristotelian dominance in popular-advice manuals, see Daniela Frigo, Il padre di famiglia: For an excellent introduction to Greco-Roman and Christian texts on the physiology of conception and motherhood, see Clarissa W.

Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages Ithaca, , 23— An excellent introduction to medieval texts on female reproductive biology is Claude Thomasset, "The Nature of Woman," in Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, ed. Matthew Adamson Princeton, , esp.

Medicine, Science, and Culture Cambridge, , which thoroughly documents the presence in medieval texts of virtually every belief and prescription, popular or otherwise, found in the sixteenth-century books considered throughout this chapter; and see also Monica H. See Biagi et al. Lorenzo Gioberti, La prima parte de gli errori popolari. Tradotta di franzese in lingua toscana dal mag.

Alberto Luchi da Colle Florence: For the publishing history of the original, and for a superb English translation, see Laurent Joubert, Popular Errors, trans. De Rocher is also the translator and annotator of two other works by Joubert: Beyond matters of tone and style, the errors Joubert denounces come overwhelmingly from Greco-Roman scientific treatises.

The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi Baltimore, , esp. Gioberti, Errori popolari , The exploration of a "one sex, two genders" biology by Laqueur, Making Sex , 25—62, is immediately relevant here. Francesco Tommasi, Reggimento del padre di famiglia Florence: Giorgio Marescotti, , This quarto tome of pages joins extended treatments on family relations with advice on agricultural methods.

The intended readership was probably gentlemen who owned country estates; they received a heavy dose of moralizing along with the advice about what to plant. For bio-bibliographical information and an introduction to Italian books in this "country-estate" genre, see Marino Berengo, "Un agronomo toscano del Cinquecento: Studi di storia medievale e moderna per Ernesto Sestan , vol. Also see Frigo, Il padre di famiglia , 40—41; 49, note 5, in which she concludes that in Tommasi the primacy of knowledge sapere is so submerged that the book in essence "becomes one of the instruments in the strategy of the post-Tridentine church to control and influence daily life and its values.

Roberto Ridolfi, Vita di Girolamo Savonarola , 6th ed. Florence, , 4—6, On Avicenna, see Nancy G. Siraisi, Avicenna in Renaissance Italy: Especially strong on the connections between Greco-Roman and Arabic medicine related to conception is Marcia C. Inhorn, Quest for Conception: We are most fortunate in having the carefully edited and complete text of Luigi Belloni, Il trattato ginecologico-pediatrico in volgare: Ad mulieres ferrarienses de regimine pregnantium et noviter natorum usque ad septennium di Michele Savonarola Milan, , which is the edition I shall cite throughout my work.

Gli heredi di Giovanni Padovano, , which I was able to consult at length in Rome. Michel Savonarola medico padoano, poi di nuovo con miglior ordine riformato, accresciuto, et emendato, et quasi fatto un altro per Bartolomeo Boldo, medico bressano Venice: The one from , a sextodecimo of 84 leaves in tiny print, grew in the later version to more elegant quarto pages divided into twenty-five chapters as follows: Although much of what these early manuals convey about diet and good health is covered in my next chapter in the section on diet and lifestyle during pregnancy, they also contain a wealth of interesting material that space precludes me from discussing here.

For a modern edition of a copy of the handwritten original, see Jane Nystedt, Libreto de tutte le cosse che se magnano: A photostatic reprint Padua, of the printed edition also exists. A small selection of its chapters can be found in Medicina per le donne, edited by Maria Luisa Altieri Biagi et al. Giovanni Battista Ciotti, , contains a series of citations and recitations about famous women from Greco-Roman antiquity, some real and some not, with many lifted directly from Plutarch. The presentation is a mirror image reversal of the format used by misogynist texts of the era, especially the work of Giuseppe Passi to which it is a direct response.

A Bio-Bibliographic Sourcebook Westport, , — An Analysis of the Mulierum virtutes Cambridge, The Symbolic and Magic Significance of Blood , trans. Robert Barr New York, , See William Barker, ed. Grendler, Critics of the Italian World, — See Jordan, Renaissance Feminism , —26, on Agrippa and Domenichi as male feminists, but then , on Domenichi as a misogynist. Domenichi might better be characterized as an opportunist, which would account both for the Agrippa plagiarism and his several editions of poetry by women, on which see Margaret F. Rosenthal, The Honest Courtesan: Marinello, Delle medicine , —48; for a repetition of many of the same points, with references to the ancient Greeks but not to sixteenth-century authors, see Mercurio, La commare , bk.

Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , 10; Marinello, Delle medicine , Gioberti, Errori popolari , 69, warns that God punishes husbands who are unfaithful while away on a business trip by rendering their semen too weak to produce legitimate heirs. Bartolomeo Boldo, Libro della natura, For full bibliographic information, see note Li heredi di Giovanni Domenico Tarino, , , for the specific reference to the dangers of too much sex.

For complete biographical information, see Dean P. Medieval Philosopher and Physician, — Chicago, , esp. Michele Mercati, Instruttione sopra la peste. Nella quale si contengono i piu eletti e approvati rimedij, con molti nuovi e potenti secreti cosi da preservarsi come da curassi Rome: Vincenzo Accolti, , Cherubino da Siena, Regole della vita matrimoniale Bologna, , rpt.

The rotten fish analogy repeated by Francesco Barbaro is most easily found in the excerpt provided in Benjamin Kohl and Ronald Witt, with Elizabeth Welles, eds. Italian Humanists on Government and Society Philadelphia, , Francesco Barbaro, gentilhuomo venitiano al molto magnifico et magnanimo M. Lorenzo de Medici, cittadin fiorentino Venice: For a modern assessment of Barbaro, see Margaret L. See also my chapter 6. Come si debba amministrare il sacramento della penitentia Venice: Bernardo Basa, , Other Italian editions appeared in Venice, and , and in Rome, De Maio identifies Bartolomeo de Medina as a "virulent antifeminist.

Subsequent citations will use the following format: Cherubino da Firenze, Confessionario Florence: Filippo Giunti, , 48— On earlier vernacular confessionals for laymen and laywomen, see Anne Jacobson Schutte, "Consiglio spirituale e controllo sociale: Schutte highlights clearly the economic pressures of publication " Il loro scopo principale era far denaro " [47] and the attempt to control secular behavior evident in pre-Tridentine confessional manuals, characteristics that became even more pronounced after Lynne Lawner, I modi: The Sixteen Pleasures, An Erotic Album of the Italian Renaissance Evanston, , provides a wickedly spirited English translation of the sonnets, copies of the original illustrations and some later versions of them, and a scholarly introduction.

Francesco Dolce, , 90; Boldo, Libro della natura , Jordan, Renaissance Feminism , , classifies Trotto as a "feminist," but apparently his feminism did not extend to permitting women to initiate sexual foreplay. Hull, Women according to Men , 96—97, takes a far darker view than I do of the consequences for women of the assertion that a woman is more likely to conceive if she experiences orgasm, a notion found in many advice manuals. She cites Jane Sharp, a female writer who, in her midwifery book, "repeated the same misconceptions about orgasmic conception that male writers were promoting.

Confused, bewildered, fearful of public humiliation, such a woman would fail to bring charges. Not surprisingly, few rape cases were recorded in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However, Culpeper, like all the Italian writers I know, elsewhere held only that orgasm made conception more likely, not that it was a requirement, a distinction Hull is fully aware of.

Perhaps some female readers were emboldened enough to ask their husbands sweetly for improved performance! Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference, 93—, thoroughly explores medieval treatises on sexual pleasure and conception. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses, 41—43; Palmieri, Della vita civile, See my "Telling Her Sins: Haldane, and Elisabeth W.

Historical Perspectives on Women in Christianity Charlottesville, , — Cherubino da Siena, Regole, v—xxii, for the publication history. King, Women of the Renaissance Chicago, , 40— On fifteenth-century editions, see Maria Doglio, ed. At least that is my editorial judgment when I compare it with the turgid prose of more respected works never published in the sixteenth century addressed to women, such as St.

Although written in the vernacular, this advice became available only in the nineteenth century in Francesco Palermo, ed. For a thorough analysis of the variety of Catholic teaching on "sex and the married penitent," see Thomas Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation Princeton, , — For more recent scholarship on the pre-Reformation confessional, see Pierre J.

Brundage and Vern L. For an insightful assessment of the increasing use of the confessional in post-Tridentine Catholicism, and especially on the feminization of confession, see Stephen Haliczer, Sexuality in the Confessional: A Sacrament Profaned New York, , 7—41, esp. The Development of Attitudes and Behaviour, trans.

Tentler mentions some vernacular tracts from Germany, France, and England but omits the Italian scene, and in any event is more concerned with differences of approach among serious thinkers who wrote for each other in Latin than with how theological disputes reached actual married penitents through the medium of print. He recognizes clearly, however —85 , that as the clerical message widened its focus to include the laity, it tended to become must less insistent about careful examination of conscience and motivations for initiating sexual intercourse. For a thorough treatment of the Italian scene, see Pino Trombetta, La confessione della lussuria: Definizione e controllo del piacere nel cattolicesimo Genoa, Cherubino da Siena, Regole, 80— I shall not consider Bernardino da Siena directly since his sermons did not find a publisher in sixteenth-century Italy, although he did have an influence through popular writers like Cherubino da Siena.

See Roberto Rusconi, "St. Margery Schneider Chicago, , — Cherubino da Siena , Regole , 92— For a lively survey of "situational" sin, see G. Quaife, Wanton Wenches and Wayward Wives: The standard authority on all this is Albert the Great, to whose views Cherubino adds nothing, but the way in which he expresses the accepted admonitions so that laypersons can understand and obey is just wonderful. Actually, the citation by Mercurio is wrong.

Still, the actual account in Genesis Gioberti, Errori popolari , 82; Anonymous, Thesoro di secreti naturali. Raccolti per fedel honostij Genoa and Florence, n. See Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature , —59, for a general discussion of these anonymous books of secrets. Aldo Manuzio, , , for the chickpeas. The most readily available version of the Dictionarium is a New York, reprint of the Paris, edition. Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature , —93, brings this great "professor of secrets" to English language readers.

The cure is taken from La cirugia Venice: Gli heredi di Melchiorre Sessa, , bk. The case against anatomy is from the preface to book 2 of the same work Furfaro, See Capricci medicinali Venice: Lodovico Avanzi, , bk. An earlier and harsher assessment of Fioravanti may be found in Andrea Corsini, Medici ciarlatani e ciarlatani medici Bologna, , 77— Con altri bellissimi secreti aggiunti Venice: Giacomo Cornetti, , 89, for the erection remedy, —25, for the toothpaste, and , for the skin cream.

The biographical information and the commandments come from the opening of book 2. A Milan reprint makes this rare work readily available. Also see Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature , , A thorough modern assessment of Dioscorides is in John M. Riddle, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine Austin, Briefly, Dioscorides gathered his remedies while spending some forty years observing plant life, and it is likely that he had access to Egyptian medical literature which, drawing as it did from millennia of funerary science, was far more advanced than anything known in Europe.

His influence on Galen and on generations of Arab scientists was enormous, and his reputation increased over time. In fact, one of the early books published by Aldus Manutius, who may be remembered as the Venetian printer I used partially as a yardstick for estimating book prices, was a Greek edition of Dioscorides.

The Mattioli edition I used is De i discorsi di M.

Il Regnum Italiae – Museo Monza

Nelli sei libri di Pedacio Dioscoride anazarbeo, della materia medicinale parte prima. It runs to 1, numbered pages plus over pages of introductory materials and indexes, as well as an appendix. Vernacular editions appeared as early as On books of herbs and the extraordinary popularity they enjoyed, see the introduction by Erminio Caprotti to Apuleius Barbarus, Herbarium Apulei ; Herbolario volgare Milan, , xlix—liv.

Especially useful on toxicity questions is James A. Also see Margaret B. Their Culture and Uses New York, , — A Chapter in the History of Botany — Cambridge, , rpt. In my judgment, it was the functional indexing, identifying which diseases are cured by what herbs, that kept the Herbario nuovo in print with many editions over the next years. Durante, Herbario, 68, on betel, and , for the negative opinion on truffles. However, the same author in Il tesoro , 97—98, says that truffles do excite the appetites of Venus and multiply sperm production, so one should not expect consistency in these recommendations.

Just as an aside, readers willing to pay ten times as much for a white truffle may be amused to know that according to Durante, black truffles, which he considers "male," are better than the "female" white truffles. Durante, Herbario, 32, 51, 62, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , for things that produce sperm and aid coition; 68, 86, , for herbs that inhibit sperm production; and , for retarding ejaculation.

Nuovamente recato dalla spagnuola nella nostra lingua Venice: Francesco Ziletti, , — The original was published at Burgos in , as Tractado de las drogas y medicinas de la Indias Orientales. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses, 9, 11, agrees, adding the wisdom from Aristotle that snakes curl up before coition in order to keep their sperm warm on its long journey. Marinello, Delle medicine, 23, on bathing; 25, on ogling young women; and 35, on the grub rub.

Sebastiano Martellini, , —, on devout female exorcists. Just as a passing irony, readers may enjoy knowing that this publisher specialized in popular little editions of jokes and riddles, according to Ascarelli and Menato, La tipografia del ' in Italia, The earliest edition is Bologna, ; editions from onward are greatly expanded and feature the marginal content summaries typical of popular advice manuals. For her fuller assessment, see Mary R. For biographical material on Menghi, see A. On exorcism more generally, see Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Marinello, Delle medicine, 4; Mercurio, La commare, bk.

Gioberti, Errori popolari, 75— Prospero Borgarucci, Della contemplatione anatomica, sopra tutte le parti del corpo humano, libri cinque. All quite true I think, and very telling for assessing how Borgarucci thought laypersons should be informed about their anatomies. Dialogo di Gioseppe Liceti, medico chirugo genovese. Giovanni Rossi [per] Simon Parlasca, Giovanni Rossi [per] Paolo Meietto, Gioberti, Errori popolari , 82; the original wording is "che si dicano calde come cagne," so I believe I have not resorted to excessive rhetorical flourish in this translation.

Ortensio Lando, Paradossi cioe sententie fuori del comun parere, novellamente venute in luce. Opra non men dotta che piacevole, e in due parti separata Venice: Marinello, Delle medicine, 55— On fumigation tests for fertility, see Forbes, The Midwife and the Witch, 43— Borgarucci, Della contemplatione anatomica, — For further commentary on this especially misogynous point, see Biagi et al.

The "hidden" genitalia argument found in Borgarucci and others is a variant of the pro-woman stance taken by Agrippa in praising the "marvelous decency" of women whose sexual parts are "concealed in a secret and secure place"; see Agrippa, On the Nobility and Preeminence of the Female Sex , Giovanni Valverde, Anatomia del corpo umano Rome: This book of folio-sized, illustrated pages clearly was more of a medical text than an advice manual, and its influence was through physicians rather than directly to the reading public.

Italian translations also appeared in and , followed by several Latin translations. The work plagiarizes most of the illustrations and much of the text of the classic by Andreas Vesalius, De humani corporis fabrica. Gabriele Falloppio, Secreti diversi e miracolosi. Vincenzo Valgrisi, , 1—, on ointments; —, on waters and wines; and —, on alchemy. Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature, —67, suggests that Fioravanti may have been the author of a preceding work with a similar title published in I have not had an opportunity to examine the work, but if the two are essentially the same, then our Agato was both a ghostwriter and a plagiarist, not at all unlikely.

Mattioli, Discorsi, section on the Matrice. Marinello, Delle medicine, 97, Camporesi, Juice of Life, —21, provides interesting background on traditions concerning the powers of menstrual blood and includes the quotation from Innocent III. Rosemary Morris Boston, , 13— I highly recommend this book for its treatment from an anthropological perspective of a wide range of childbirth issues.

Marinello, Delle medicine, 56, 67; Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , Gallucci in Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero, eds.

On male menstruation, see Gianna Pomata, "Uomini mestruanti: Mattioli, Discorsi, 1,, in either the edition published when Mattioli was still alive or the posthumous edition. Fioravanti, La cirugia, bk. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , 50—52; Gioberti, Errori popolari, — Lorenzo Cantini, Legislazione toscana , vol. On infanticide, see Richard C. Trexler, "Infanticide in Florence: Anonymous, Thesoro di secreti naturali, no pagination; Anonymous, Segreti bellissimi non piu dati in luce.

Ritrovati da me Carlo detto Il Franzolino Viterbo: Girolamo Discepolo, , no pagination; Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , 59— According to Forbes, The Midwife and the Witch , 38, the aristolochia and honey test appears in the authoritative printed Latin medical text by Antonio Guainerio, De egritudinibus matricis Gioberti, Errori popolari, — See Forbes, The Midwife and the Witch, 54— Marinello, Delle medicine, — Mercurio, La commare, bk. Jacopo Berengario, Carpi commentaria cum amplissimis additionibus super Anatomia Mundini Bologna, ; see also the readily available L.

The Two First Centuries of Florentine History by Pasquale Villari

The illustration is included in Harold Speert, Iconographia Gyniatrica: More recently, on Berengario, see R. An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice Chicago, , 95— Laqueur, Making Sex , 79, includes this illustration but I think misses its original point, which was not primarily the inversion of male genitalia in the female but rather that the uterus was unified and did not have seven compartments; otherwise, stomping on the medical books makes no sense.

Also see Gioberti, Errori popolari, 88—98, for a long discourse with exotic examples to show that women can carry up to nine children at once. The way Mercurio treats these reports leads me to believe that he does not trust them entirely. Anonymous, Thesoro di secreti naturali. On classical writers who recommended lapidary amulets to prevent miscarriage or ease childbirth, see Forbes, The Midwife and the Witch, 64— In this work, he also rails against physicians who prescribe sexual intercourse and masturbation as medical cures for overcoming an imbalance of bodily humors due to sperm retention — Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , ; Marinello, Delle medicine, — Francesco Rossi, , is the edition I used.

To the best of my knowledge, this is the first reprint of the original, so clearly it did not have the success of La commare. Another reprint followed in , but again to the best of my knowledge, the work was not translated into other languages. Joannis Rubrii, , went through several editions. Gioberti, Errori popolari, The disparagement with which physicians in western Europe looked upon midwifery, at least until men fully took over this profession in the eighteenth century, is shown convincingly in Jean Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men: Also see Merry E.

Wiesner, "Early Modern Midwifery: A Case Study," in Barbara A. Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men , 7—8, concedes that printed books may have assisted midwives with advice but believes this would have been more likely in the city than in the countryside. During stays in four Italian villages while doing research for my Fate and Honor, Family and Village Chicago, , as well as during many summers spent in the Istrian village of Skvaranska, I witnessed firsthand as the local midwife lost her role in assisting at childbirth, since everyone now gives birth in the local hospital, but continued to practice as nurse and medical consultant of first resort, and in several places was the person called in to wash and dress the corpses of villagers who died at home.

The Life of Martha Ballard, based on her Diary, — New York, , recounts an equally wide variety of medical and social activities for the midwife. On magical uses of the caul, see Forbes, The Midwife and the Witch, 94— For an excellent introduction to the Latin medical literature, see Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine, esp. The First English Gynecological Handbook Kent, , provides both an easy-to-read modern edition of Trotula and an excellent general introduction to early vernacular works on gynecology. Midwives in Early Modern Spain," in Marland, ed.

It is readily available in a reprint from the Universidad de Alicante.

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What you see is what they thought they saw, pace Sigmund Freud. For further information, see J. Saunders and Charles D. Also see Laqueur, Making Sex, 70— The point here is not that one or another author was a plagiarist, since such a concept of intellectual property did not even exist, but how widely similar ideas were diffused both geographically and across class and religious divides.

Theoretical and Critical Essays Urbana, , 97—, provides an example of the pitfalls of particularism. The essay raises entirely sensible issues but except for the endnotes and a few details in the examples, it could as well be dealing with sixteenth-century Italy or third-century Rome. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , ; Biagi et al. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , — For slight variations on what to do to ease a long labor, see Marinello Delle medicine, — Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men, 21—22, who cites W.

Radcliffe, The Secret Instrument London, , 38— Marinello, Delle medicine, —80, — Isabella Cortese in her book of secrets. By contrast, I believe herbal books, especially the carefully illustrated and indexed ones, were consulted on the spot as part of a good sales pitch by wholesale and retail merchants in herbs and spices. Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , —29; Marinello, De medicine, — Marinello, De medicine, —; Savonarola, Ad mulieres ferrarienses , — Plato, The Republic , bk. This reference and a wealth of interesting material are found in Valerie A.

Fildes, Breasts, Bottles, and Babies: A more general survey is Valerie A.

Museo e Tesoro del Duomo di Monza

A History from Antiquity to the Present London, , 15—30, for the classical background. This is as good a place as any to note Jay E. His admonitions, although cast in a context of recent American social history in which the rhetoric of advice manuals can be tested against sociological survey data equally unreliable in my judgment, although for different reasons , apply to historians of the sixteenth century as well. In a nutshell, he argues that people do not actually do what advice manuals tell them to do.

In one sense, this argument hardly is new; we all know that laws forbidding certain behavior are a good indicator that the behavior occurred. Analogously, advice to do this or that probably means that people were not doing this or that, both before and after reading recommendations to the contrary. The problem is very complex, and there are no quick solutions. Certainly I have none. Anonymous, Indovinelli, riboboli, passerotti, et farfalloni.

Since this work remained unpublished between the time of its writing around until it was rediscovered and printed in , we cannot say that it influenced anyone in the sixteenth century. Nevertheless the hostility toward use of wet nurses is typical of opinion throughout the Renaissance. For admonitions in domestic economy treatises, see Frigo, Il padre di famiglia , — Barbaro, "On Wifely Duties" in Kohl et al.

Mercurio, La commare , bk. For a thorough summary table on the views of classic authors on breast-feeding and the qualities of wet nurses, see Fildes, Breasts, Bottles, and Babies , 60— The warning against baby talk is also found in Palmieri, Della vita civile, 16, and in Quintilian, Institutio oratoria, bk. Contrary evidence comes from James B. But as I have noted elsewhere, this author did not make it to a printed edition until the twentieth century. The Ospedale degli Innocenti, — Ann Arbor, , —31, is instructive: Neighbors often traveled long distances at their own expense to make personal representations to the prior about the activities of Innocenti wet nurses.

Therefore, even though the Regola was addressed to a woman explicitly as an advice manual on rearing her children and was written in Italian, its influence may have been primarily among a circle of elites engaged in the debate about humanist reliance on classical texts and whether proper Christian precepts were being abandoned. The published text is Donato Salvi, ed. One could force a reading of " sanza offensione della persona della madre " to imply custom, but then there is the injunction that the wet nurse should be away from her husband, which would not be the case if the child were put out in the countryside, so overall I take this brief reference, the only thing Rucellai has to say about breast-feeding, to be a routine statement that mothers should feed their own children but if they cannot or will not, then at least they should choose a healthy young nurse of good speaking habits.

Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: It is interesting to see how little attention slaveholders paid to concerns about the biological and moral character of the wet nurse, which abound in biblical and Greco-Roman texts that surely were familiar to educated white American southerners, even if they did not read Italian advice manuals.

McMillen, Motherhood in the Old South: I also have learned from discussions on this matter with my colleagues Jennifer Morgan and Mia Bay. Although I have not studied Florentine archival ricordanze, published selections reveal attitudes highly supportive of maternal care e. On page , she provides the following: The three lines surely were meant to be sung together, not divided by two pages of academic prose, in which case they might be translated thus:.

So, what Ross renders as mercenary indifference to gender, I see as a hearty promise to give equally good care whether the baby is a girl or a boy. Cochraine Chicago, , —64, examines the account books or diaries ricordanze of 84 Florentine couples who gave birth to infants fed by wet nurses from to Exactly how many of the 84 couples were "artisans," Klapisch-Zuber does not say, and I must confess to some doubts about how many artisans had the time and knowledge to keep a diary or account book for posterity. Anyway, among babies put to a nurse other than the biological mother, she finds that a little more than half the boys and fully two thirds of the girls were sent to the countryside, about 13 percent of boys and girls stayed with a woman in town, and the remaining were fed by a live-in wet nurse.

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According to Klapisch-Zuber, "the ricordanze never note, except in truly exceptional circumstances, that Florentine mothers nursed their children themselves," but in my view this is because the diaries are really annotated account books, not personal diaries, so no mention should be expected of items, such as maternal breast-feeding, that did not involve cash outlays. Notwithstanding the fragility of the evidence—account books from 84 couples, mostly elites, detailing payments for the feeding of infants spread over years in a total population during that span of more than , Florentine babies—Klapisch-Zuber concludes as follows: By my reckoning, that comes to 1 baby out of each , clearly not a dominant practice no matter how you define dominance or quibble about defects in one source or another.

It is not reasonable to assume that out of every families with a small baby forgot to tell the census taker that their infants were out to nurse and that the countryside nurses in turn forgot they had all those additional hungry mouths to feed. Nor was there any obvious economic gain in lying or being forgetful.

The few whiners recorded in the census because they appealed for a tax reduction based on the high costs of paying a wet nurse point only to a perception of exceptional circumstances, not to normal practices. If dominance means at least Surely some evidence beyond the unpublished memoirs of a few elite moralists would have survived to document so unusual a biological and cultural phenomenon. A Study of the Florentine Catasto of New Haven, , , report the census findings; the same numbers are reported in the French-language original , note In fact, we know the kind of evidence that might be generated in a European culture in which a majority of children were nourished by a wet nurse if we consult George D.

Certainly we have little such evidence for Florence and the surrounding Tuscan countryside, and we do know that the Florentines were very good record keepers. One might start with Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, — New York, , 66—68, which reports mortality rates to the age of one in France at 15 to 30 percent, with an average of 21 percent, and suggests that actual rates were much higher due to underreporting of perinatal deaths. All other reports I know of also confirm that the 15 to 18 percent mortality rate calculated by Klapisch-Zuber for Florentine infants given to a wet nurse is a low number, one indicating good care and above-average health.

No doubt Florentine patricians thought more about maternal beauty and convenience than infant health, in the process fashioning what Marilyn Yalom, A History of the Breast New York, , 49—, so perceptively calls the shift from the sacred breast to the erotic breast, but this parental selfishness did babies no measurable harm as a health choice. On mothers abandoning their babies only to reclaim them as paid wet nurses, see Gavitt, Charity and Children , esp. Infant mortality rates for foundlings in eighteenth-century Spain, where half of all boys and girls did not survive, were far higher than anything reported for fifteenth-century Florence; see Joan Sherwood, Poverty in Eighteenth-Century Spain: The Women and Children of the Inclusa Toronto, , Also see Arlene W.

Saxonhouse, Women in the History of Political Thought: Ancient Greece to Machiavelli New York, , — Bernardo Machiavelli, Libro di ricordi, ed. A Social History of Family Life , trans. Kinship, Household, and Sexuality , trans. For a refreshingly iconoclastic review of this literature, see Linda Pollock, Forgotten Children: Parent-Child Relations from to Cambridge, Persuasive in an entirely different way is the conclusion by Steven Ozment in Magdalena and Balthasar: On painting, see Margaret R.

Contemporary Perspectives Cambridge, , — Ozment, When Fathers Ruled , esp. Readers willing to sift through a fair amount of paternalistic cultural baggage also will find valuable nuggets in the classic study of Giovanni Tamassia, La famiglia italiana nei secoli decimoquinto e decimosesto Milan, , for example, —56, on maternal responsibility for breast-feeding and for their full participation in child rearing and discipline.

Yalom, A History of the Breast , 75, states that 90 percent of European women functioned as milk bearers, while only 10 percent declined to breast-feed, although elsewhere she cites sources claiming a much higher percentage of children sent to wet nurses. Augustine New York, , and his edition of relevant writings in St. On Education South Bend, As a baby I learned how to suck, to lie peacefully when happy, to weep when I suffered physical distress. This was all there was. Later I began to smile, at first while sleeping and later when awake.

This has been reported to me, and I believe it because I see other babies doing the same thing. I cannot, of course, remember it for myself. Little by little, I began to know where I was, and I had the inclination to express my needs to those who had the means of satisfying them. But I failed because my needs were inside me whereas the people concerned were outside and were unable to enter into my mind by any of their faculties. So I would throw my limbs around and utter sounds, making the gestures of which I was capable, few in number and poor in quality as they were—for they were by no means accurate indications of my needs.

And when people did not do what I wanted, either because they did not understand or because it might be bad for me to get what I wanted, I used to fly into tantrums with my elders because they were not my slaves, that is, because they were free people who would not do what I wanted. I avenged myself on them by screaming. That babies act like this I have understood from observing other babies. These others have unwittingly informed me of what I myself was like more accurately than the nurses who knew me. On becoming pregnant in the bath, see La commare, bk.

But I also find that advice on infant care was included in books on pregnancy rather than published separately. Philip Greven, Spare the Child: See especially Quintilian, Institutio oratoria , bk. Plutarch is also unequivocal, for example, in bk. Praise and reproof are more helpful for the free-born than any sort of ill-usage, since the praise incites them toward what is honorable, and reproof keeps them from what is disgraceful.

For example, see the following works considered in Greven, Spare the Child, 60— Richard Fugate, What the Bible Says about. Horkan, Educational Theories and Principles of Maffeo Vegio Washington, , provides extensive selections and valuable commentary. For a critical edition of the original text, see Maria Fanning, ed.

Verstraete of De pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis declamatio. For the early publication history, see Jean-Claude Margolin, ed. Declamatio de pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis Geneva , —, and esp. For an important critique of Elias, one that places greater emphasis on the religious origins of civility prescriptions than on their political, courtly context, see Dilwyn Knox, " Disciplina. Essays in Honor of Eugene F. New York, , — On the humanist contribution to Catholic Reformation ideas about child rearing and on the influence of Erasmus, see Ottavia Niccoli, Il seme della violenza: Also see Eugenio Garin, ed.

Niccoli, Il seme della violenza , —20, shows the heavy reliance on Piccolomini by post-Tridentine pedagogue Andrea Ghetti da Volterra. The prelates at Trent surely also knew of the sternly antihumanist views of Florentine Cardinal Giovanni Dominici. Even though these did not make it to a printed edition in the sixteenth century, they were influential in Dominican circles and their rejection is significant.

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Dominici believed that children should be beaten frequently, whether guilty or not, reasoning that, if they were guilty, let them be thankful for justice and if they were innocent, let them acquire merit by learning the virtue of patience. To be sure, Cardinal Borromeo did much else as well. Also see Luigi Volpicelli, ed. This work contains useful biographical information on Antoniano and on the publication history of his book 5— On the actual schools, see Paul F.

Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, — Baltimore, , esp.

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  • On schooling for girls, see Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 87— Indeed, precisely because Antoniano thoroughly believed in taming the flesh, his warnings against beating children take on added significance. Confessional manuals to advise both simple priests and laypersons were among the earliest printed books; see Schutte, "Printing, Piety, and the People in Italy," 15— On confession for children, see Trombetta, La confessione della lussuria, 81— Discorso utilissimo ad ogni virtuoso e nobile scolara Florence: Aldo [Manuzio], , 86— Gozze also published a commentary on Aristotle and contemporary civic governance and a Platonic dialogue on beauty, both in the vernacular.

    Grendler, in "What Zuanne Read in School," and in his treatment of the vernacular curriculum in Schooling in Renaissance Italy, —, begins to tap the richness of this subject and point to areas for further exploration. Especially intriguing is the evidence that parents sent books they had at home to school with their children so the instructor could teach the youngsters how to read them. All material is taken from the English translation by Nicholas Fersin, which includes facsimiles of all original woodcuts, printed by the Library of Congress as The Florentine Fior di Virtu of Anonymous, El costume delle donne incomenzando da la pueritia per fin al maritar: